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Košarić Aleksandar

Krvavi tragovi američke lobističke agencije "Ruder Finn"!

"Ruder Finn" Je američka kompanija koja se bavi odnosima sa javnošću ili ti, engleskim jezikom rečeno, PR . Firma je čuvena kao klijent duvanskog magnata Filipa Morisa. Bavili su se zataškavanjem posledica pušenja od sredine 60ih do sredine 90ih godina prošloga veka. A jel’ se sećate Kofija Anana?
Krvavi tragovi američke lobističke agencije
19.08.2013. god.
E, pa, i sa njime su sarađivali. Tako što su mu zaposlili nećaka u kompaniji a posle su preko Razvojnog programa Ujedinjenih Nacija (U.N. Development Program -UNDP) dobijali poslove. Iako su, naravno, to negirali. Kobina Annan, nephew of the U.N. chief, worked in the internship program at public-relations firm Ruder Finn until four months ago. … Malloch Brown, as head of the U.N. Development Program (UNDP), paid Ruder Finn $30,000 to assess how the agency could improve its communications office. UNDP says that familiarity with Ruder Finn and the company’s good reputation were the reasons it got the job. Questions Surface About Annan’s Nephew

Mnogi mogu da se zapitaju: i šta sa time?

Kofi Anan je postao Generalni Sekretar UN 1997. A da li znate da je nagrada za to mesto bilo njegovo učešće u događajima u BiH 1992-95, tačnije 1995, tačnije bombardovanje Srba i pozcija Vojske Republike Srpske. Da bi cela operacija izgledala kao deo UN dejstava a ne NATO, što je bila u stvarnosti, Kofi Anan, kao zamenik Sekreteara UN, tada, Butrosa Galija, odobrava napade na srpske položaje. Blagopočivši Ričard Holbruk je izjavio 1998:

Richard Holbrooke, in his notably self-aggrandizing account of the Bosnian conflict To End A War (New York: Random House, 1998), goes so far as to claim that it was thanks to this act of indulgence toward NATO that Annan would later become Secretary General: “in a sense Annan won the job on that day” (p. 103).

Tj. da je upravo taj događaj omogućio Ananu da postane Generalni Sekretar UN.

A šta je sa Ruder Finn i gde su oni u celoj ovoj priči.

12. avgusta 1991. Hrvatska Vlada angažuje Ruder Finn-lobističku i kompaniju za odnose sa javnošću iz SAD. Osnovni zadaci su:

1) razviti strategiju lobiranja u Kongresu i Senatu kao i svim relevatnim ministarstvima SAD Vlade zarad priznavanja nezavisnosti Hrvatske;
2) Uspostaviti vezu sa SAD tajnim službama;
3) Uspostaviti veze sa SAD medijima.

12. novembra 1991. Počinje aktivno lobiranje među administracijom Buša Starijeg, kao i redovni brifinzi za medije. Tokom januara i febrauara 1992 Ruder Finn organizuje posetu Kongresmena Hrvatskoj.

7. aprila 1992. SAD priznaju nezavisnu državu hrvatsku.

23.juna 1992. Vlada Alije Izetbegovića potpisuje ugovor sa Ruder Finn na istim osnovama kao i hrvatska.

Jedna od najvažnijih stvari je bilo osnivanje tzv. “Bosnia Crisis Communication Center” koji je imao kontakte sa svim značajnim medijima u SAD, Britaniji i Francuskoj. Inforamcije su dolazile direktno iz muslimanskog štaba i deljenje su medijima.
Oktobra 1992, Ruder Finn postaje lobista albanaca.

A kako su radili videli smo ali oni su se time i hvali. Izvlačim delove intervjua Džejmsa Harfa, tada zaposlenog u Ruder Finn, sa francuskim novinarom Žak Merlino 1993.

Merlino:

But in all of this work of what are you most proud?

Harff:

Of having succeeded in getting Jewish opinion on our side. This was a very delicate business and the dossier included a very great danger in this respect. Because President Tudjman had been very imprudent in his book The Wastelands of Historical Truth. On reading these writings, he could be accused of anti-Semitism. From the Bosnian side, things didn’t look any better, because President Izetbegovic, in his Islamic Declaration published in 1970, had taken a very strong position in favor of an Islamic fundamentalist state. Moreover, the past of Croatia and Bosnia had been marked by a real and cruel anti-Semitism. Several tens of thousands of Jews had been done away with in the Croatian camps. There was every reason then for Jewish intellectuals and organizations to be hostile to the Croats and Bosnians. Our challenge was to reverse this state of things. And we succeeded in masterly fashion. Between the second and the fifth of August 1992, New York Newsday came out with the affair of the camps [the reference is to Newsday reporter Roy Gutman’s allegations concerning Serb-run concentration camps in Bosnia - JR]. We pounced on the matter immediately. We brought around [avons circonvenu – note that in French this expression has the strong connotation of “tricked”, though, of course, the original interview was presumably conducted in English – JR] three important Jewish organizations: the B’nai B’rith Anti-Defamation League, the American Jewish Committee and the American Jewish Congress. We suggested to them that they publish an advertisement in the New York Times and organize a protest demonstration in front of the United Nations. That went perfectly. The entry into the fray of Jewish organizations on the side of the Bosnians was an extraordinary move. All at once, we were able to make public opinion equate Serbs and Nazis. The dossier was complex, nobody understood what was going on in Bosnia. To be frank, I would say that the great majority of Americans wondered in which African country Bosnia was to be found. But in one stroke we were able to present a simple matter, a story with good guys and bad guys. We knew that the business would be played out on this terrain. And we won by targeting the right audience, the Jewish audience. All at once, there was a very clear change of language in the press with the employment of terms with a very strong emotive value, such as ethnic cleansing, concentration camps, etc., all evoking Nazi Germany, the gas chambers and Auschwitz. The emotive charge was so strong that no one could go against the dominant current, except on pain of being accused of revisionism. We hit the bulls eye.

Merlino:

Maybe. But between the second and the fifth of August 1992, you didn’t have any proof that what you said was true. You only had articles from Newsday.

Harff:

Our business is not to verify information. We’re not equipped to do that. Our business, as I’ve already told you, is to accelerate the circulation of information that is favorable to us, to aim at targets judiciously chosen. That’s what we did. We didn’t assert that there were death camps in Bosnia, we let it be known that Newsday asserted it.

Merlino:

But that’s an enormous responsibility. Are you aware of the responsibility?

Harff:

We’re professionals. We had work to do and we did it. We’re not paid to practice morality. And even if the discussion was put on this terrain, we’d have a sound conscience. Because if you want to prove that the Serbs are poor victims, go ahead: you’ll be all alone.

Ukratko, za one koji ne razumeju engleski. Najviše je ponosan na činjenicu da je uspeo da privoli jevrejski lobi u SAD iako to na početku nije bilo lako. Tuđman i Izetbegović su imali poznate anti-judejske stavove. Da bi to ”zamaglili” od Srba su napravili naciste koji drže konc-logore. U tome su im pomogle tri uticajne jevrejske organizacije u SAD, koje su preko Njujork Tajmsa organizovale anti-srpske demonstracije ispred UN.

Takođe se hvali time da njega nije interesovala istina već propaganda i da je on za to plaćen, a to je odlično odradio. Ovo nije nikakva nova činjenica, zna se sve to okvirno ali ovo pokazuje tačno ko je šta radio.



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